10 Worst Prisons in California

Updated August 26, 2026. Every facility on this list is a state prison run by the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR), ranked from the documented record: federal court findings, Inspector General reports, death data, criminal cases against staff, and the words of people who lived and worked inside. This is the companion to our ranking of the worst county jails in California.

Quick answer: Ask most people to name the worst prison in California and they will say San Quentin or Pelican Bay. The current record points somewhere else: California State Prison, Sacramento, the high-security prison known as New Folsom. A UC Berkeley analysis published with KQED found it had the highest use-of-force rate of any California state prison from 2009 through 2023; four incarcerated people were killed there in 2024; CDCR announced two more deaths it is investigating as homicides in a single week of August 2026; its own officers have been federally convicted; and it is one of the last three prisons whose medical care the federal Receiver has not handed back to the state. Close behind it are the Central California Women’s Facility, where the U.S. Department of Justice announced in August 2026 that it has reasonable cause to believe the prison is violating the Constitution by failing to protect women from staff sexual abuse, and Salinas Valley State Prison, where video of a 2025 killing spread on Instagram and the victim’s family alleges armed officers watched. San Quentin, famous as it is, lands last on this list, because it is the one prison here whose direction has visibly changed, even though a 2026 inspection report rated its 2024 medical care inadequate.

The Worst Prisons in California at a Glance

Short on time? This table is the whole article in miniature. Every facility gets a full, sourced deep dive below, and the ranking method is explained right after the table.

The system behind them, in four numbers: CDCR counted 89,138 people in custody or under community reentry supervision on August 19, 2026; its institutions and camps held 87,868 people, 118.5 percent of design capacity (CDCR weekly report). The system recorded 409 deaths in 2024, a death rate second only to pandemic-year 2020 since federal oversight of prison medical care began. Each incarcerated person costs taxpayers about $127,800 per year. And medical care in every prison has been controlled or supervised by a federal Receiver for two decades, after a federal court found that prison medical care violated the Eighth Amendment and that California had failed to comply with ordered remedies.

Prison vs. Jail: Which List Are You Actually Looking For?

This article ranks state prisons run by CDCR. A person who was just arrested or is awaiting trial is generally held in a county jail, while these CDCR facilities hold people who have been convicted and sentenced to state prison. Some people also serve felony sentences in county jail under California’s 2011 realignment law (Judicial Council of California), so the building label alone does not determine whether bail is available. Ordinary bail is mainly a pretrial issue. After conviction and sentencing, release on bail is limited and requires a court order under provisions including Penal Code sections 1272 and 1272.1; the FAQ below explains when that applies. If the person you are worried about is in a county jail, the list you want is our ranking of the worst county jails in California, and our guide to the difference between jail and prison covers the full breakdown.

California currently operates 31 state prisons, and the number is about to drop: the California Rehabilitation Center in Norco is closing by fall 2026 and already held no one on CDCR’s August 19, 2026 count; its closure will bring the total to 30. Three prisons and a leased facility have already shut since 2021 as the population fell from a peak of roughly 173,000 in 2006 to under 90,000 today (Legislative Analyst’s Office).

How We Ranked These Prisons

“Worst” is a strong word, so this list leans on documents, not reputation. We weighed five kinds of evidence: deaths and violence, using the federal Receiver’s clinical mortality reviews, CDCR homicide investigation notices, and population data; court findings, from the Plata and Coleman cases down to facility-specific orders and appellate opinions; Office of the Inspector General special reviews and inspection ratings; criminal accountability, meaning actual charges and convictions of staff; and the testimony of people who lived or worked inside, drawn from court records, incarcerated-run journalism, and named interviews.

How the order was decided. This is a qualitative editorial ranking, not a calculated risk score or an official state designation. We gave the greatest weight to current official findings and comparable statewide data, followed by recent deaths and violence, repeated institutional failures, and documented criminal or disciplinary accountability for staff. First-hand accounts from people who lived or worked inside were used to explain conditions, not to move a prison up or down on their own. Older events affected a rank only when they still shape present conditions. Raw counts were not treated as rate comparisons unless the source supplied comparable denominators.

Two honest caveats. First, every high-security prison in California had a bad 2024 and 2025: the 2024 prison homicide rate reached its highest level since 2006, and on March 8, 2025, CDCR placed Level IV housing at 11 prisons on a modified program in response to what it called a surge in violence against staff and incarcerated people, a measure it said was distinct from a lockdown. A broader modified program covering Level III and IV units at 21 institutions followed from June 12 to July 2, 2025. Limiting any ranking means leaving out other prisons with real problems; seven of them appear in the near-miss section. Second, a prison’s placement describes documented outcomes and institutional failures, not the character of every person working inside it. Where a facility has improved, we say so.

The 10 Worst State Prisons in California: The Deep Dive

1. California State Prison, Sacramento, “New Folsom” (Represa)

Quick facts: Opened 1986 next door to the historic Folsom prison. CDCR designates it a Level I, II, IV, and restricted housing institution; its 1,828 design beds include 1,636 cells (CDCR master plan appendix, May 2026). It held 2,135 people on August 19, 2026, 116.8 percent of design capacity. One of only three prisons whose medical care the federal Receiver still has not returned to state control.

No California prison has a darker current file. An analysis of CDCR use-of-force reports by UC Berkeley researchers, published in partnership with KQED, found New Folsom had the highest overall use-of-force rate of any California state prison from 2009 through 2023; a CDCR spokesperson told KQED she took issue with the analysis, but the agency did not respond to detailed follow-up questions. KQED also reported that four incarcerated people were killed at the prison in 2024, three by other prisoners and one after being restrained by officers. The violence is not only prisoner-on-prisoner. In one federally prosecuted case, officer Arturo Pacheco swept the legs out from under a handcuffed man named Ronnie Price, who fell face first onto concrete and died days later; Pacheco was sentenced in 2022 to more than 12 years in federal prison for civil rights violations and the cover-up, a second officer pleaded guilty to helping falsify records, and others were fired.

Then there are the whistleblowers. Officer Valentino Rodriguez Jr. reported misconduct in the prison’s investigative unit to the warden on October 15, 2020, and was found dead six days later of what the coroner ruled an accidental fentanyl overdose (KQED, “On Our Watch”). Sergeant Kevin Steele, who had reported his concerns about the 2019 killing of Luis Giovanny Aguilar to prison leadership and the FBI, was banned from prison grounds after he moved to Missouri and died by suicide there on August 20, 2021. State workers’ compensation reviews found that each man’s death was tied to his job at New Folsom. The Sacramento Bee reported in May 2021 that federal prosecutors had acknowledged an FBI probe of the prison in a court filing (story republished by Corrections1); in December 2024, KQED reported that an FBI agent said the bureau was investigating the Aguilar case while an FBI spokesperson declined to confirm or deny it. The Inspector General rated CDCR’s handling of the Aguilar investigation “poor”. A lawsuit by Aguilar’s mother alleges that staff conspired to kill him or failed to protect him; lawyers for CDCR have denied in court filings that staff were involved, and the suit was still pending as of KQED’s December 2024 report.

In their words: “Please don’t think I’m exaggerating. They really wanted to have me killed,” Joel Uribe, who was incarcerated at New Folsom, told KQED about officer retaliation.

Where it stands now: CDCR has kept announcing deaths at the prison that it is investigating as homicides: a 49-year-old found unresponsive in his cell on February 23, 2026; a 37-year-old found unconscious in his cell on August 11, 2026; and a 47-year-old who died on August 18, 2026 after another prisoner attacked him, with an improvised weapon recovered at the scene. In March 2026, CDCR also announced the attempted homicide of an officer stabbed with an improvised weapon. Two homicide investigations in one week of August 2026 is the current state of the prison KQED called California’s most violent, and the federal Receiver still runs its medical care.

2. Central California Women’s Facility (Chowchilla)

Quick facts: Opened 1990. The largest women’s prison in California and one of the largest anywhere. It held 2,157 people on August 19, 2026, 108.6 percent of design capacity. It is the reception center for all women entering CDCR and houses women with condemned sentences in general population (CDCR).

On August 13, 2026, the U.S. Department of Justice announced that it had reasonable cause to believe that CDCR, CCWF, and the California Institution for Women are violating the Eighth and Fourteenth Amendments by failing to protect the women held there from sexual abuse and harassment by staff. Investigators, the department said, “uncovered a longstanding pattern of sustained staff sexual misconduct, inadequate safeguards, failures in confidential reporting, improper investigative practices, and insufficient accountability measures.” The finding is a formal notice under the Civil Rights of Institutionalized Persons Act, not a court judgment, but the department’s findings report lays out the record: more than 65 alleged victims of a single officer, more than 375 allegations of staff sexual misconduct at the two prisons between 2023 and June 2025, and 320 private lawsuits, mostly by former prisoners, against CDCR and the two facilities.

That officer was Gregory Rodriguez, a former correctional officer who worked at CCWF from 2010 to 2022. He was found guilty in January 2025 on 64 counts, including rape under color of authority, and sentenced in August 2025 to 224 years in prison (CalMatters; CCWF Paper Trail). DOJ’s report says CDCR received information about some of the allegations against him as early as 2014, and KQED, citing a 2023 Guardian investigation, reported that the prison punished women who came forward. Separately, a December 2025 Inspector General monitoring report said at least 279 currently or formerly incarcerated people from four prisons had sued CDCR, accusing at least 83 employees of sexual misconduct at women’s prisons (OIG; Assembly Budget Subcommittee summary, April 2026).

The abuse scandal is not the whole file. During a July 2024 heat wave, 47-year-old Adrienne Boulware collapsed at the prison on a day when outside temperatures reached 108 degrees and died early the next morning; the Madera County coroner listed her cause of death as undetermined, her family says staff first told them she had suffered heat stroke, and CCWF is now one of three prisons in a state cooling pilot funded at $37.6 million by the 2025 Budget Act (CDCR report to the Legislature, January 2026). Weeks later, on August 2, 2024, officers conducting a mass search removed more than 150 women from their cells and confined them in a dining hall; according to the women’s lawsuit and KQED’s report on the settlement, the room was above 100 degrees, staff used physical force, batons, and chemical agents, and 109 women were medically evaluated afterward. In March 2026, the state agreed to pay $1.9 million to settle claims by 13 of them, without admitting wrongdoing or agreeing to policy changes. A separate class action, Hooper v. State of California, was still pending as of that report, with mediation scheduled for May 2026; no outcome had been reported as of late August 2026.

In their words: “Not everyone employed by [CDCR] is a predator. I’m only saying that the uniform or the suit makes a perfect camouflage for one,” Latasha Brown, who has been incarcerated at CCWF and CIW for more than two decades, said in recorded remarks from prison. A survivor who testified against Rodriguez put it more bluntly after the verdict: “Rodriguez is one bad apple on a tree that’s rotten to its core.”

Where it stands now: DOJ’s notice letter says the Attorney General may sue under CRIPA 49 days after the August 13 notice, which falls on October 1, 2026, if state officials have not satisfactorily addressed the findings, and that the department hopes to resolve the matter cooperatively. CDCR responded that it takes every allegation seriously, pointed to Prison Rape Elimination Act audits that found both prisons met all 45 standards evaluated, and said it looks forward to working with DOJ on the recommendations (KQED report carried by CalMatters, August 15, 2026). When the federal investigation opened in September 2024, Secretary Jeff Macomber said the department “fully welcome[s]” it.

3. Salinas Valley State Prison (Soledad)

Quick facts: Opened 1996 in the Salinas Valley near Soledad. Levels I, III, and IV, plus a licensed Psychiatric Inpatient Program (CDCR). It held 2,267 people on August 19, 2026, 92.5 percent of design capacity. One of three prisons still under direct federal Receiver control for medical care.

According to the family’s federal complaint and video supplied by its attorneys, 36-year-old Joseph Mendoza was stabbed nearly 180 times by two other incarcerated people on April 8, 2025. The complaint alleges that armed officers stood by and failed to intervene. State defendants denied fault, including the allegations that officers watched the attack and failed to provide medical care. CDCR’s same-day release said staff “immediately responded and issued several verbal commands to stop, which were ignored,” then “deployed multiple less-than-lethal use-of-force options.” KTVU reported that the footage, which spread on Instagram, appeared to be a cellphone recording of the prison’s closed-circuit feed and that it is unclear who captured it. By KTVU’s count, Mendoza’s death was one of 16 in-custody deaths at the prison in 2025. CDCR announced seven deaths at Salinas Valley being investigated as homicides between April 8, 2025 and February 13, 2026: April 8, June 28, October 15, October 23, and November 30, 2025, followed by January 29 and February 13, 2026.

The staff-culture history matters here too. Salinas Valley was home to the “Green Wall,” a guard clique exposed in the early 2000s whose hallmark, as Prison Legal News put it, was the code of silence. In November 2004, nine Salinas Valley officers, some of them Green Wall members, were fired over a single October 2003 beating of a prisoner and its alleged cover-up: five for taking part in the beating and four for failing to report it.

In their words: “This action arises in response to persistent and unlawful practices by the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation, including the use of indiscriminate lockdowns… and collective punishment,” Salinas Valley hunger strikers wrote in a letter provided to CalMatters in June 2025, after CDCR restricted the movement and daily activities of roughly 34,000 incarcerated people statewide on June 12, 2025.

Where it stands now: The Mendoza family’s wrongful-death suit, filed in December 2025, is pending in federal court in Northern California. The prison was among the 11 whose Level IV housing CDCR placed on a modified program in March 2025, and the Receiver still runs its medical care. One balancing note: a June 2026 OIG medical inspection report, covering care delivered from June through early December 2025, rated both the case-review and compliance components of Salinas Valley’s medical care adequate, even though the Receiver had not yet delegated medical control back to CDCR.

4. Kern Valley State Prison (Delano)

Quick facts: Opened 2005, one of the two newest prisons in the state. Level IV maximum security, plus a Level I minimum support facility (CDCR). It held 3,211 people on August 19, 2026 against a design capacity of 2,448, roughly 131 percent.

Kern Valley combines three problems that feed each other: maximum-security violence, severe crowding, and heat. It was one of the 11 prisons whose Level IV housing CDCR placed on a modified program in March 2025 after the statewide surge in homicides, and CDCR has announced deaths there being investigated as homicides in June 2025, on June 28, 2026, when a 31-year-old was found unresponsive in his cell, and on July 12, 2026, when a man was killed in a cell fight with two inmate-made weapons recovered. On August 6, 2026, an officer was stabbed with an improvised weapon in what CDCR is investigating as an attempted homicide; two officers and one incarcerated person were injured.

Then there is the heat. As of December 2025, 18 of Kern Valley’s 20 housing units had air handlers only and two had mechanical cooling, and CDCR itself says air handlers and evaporative coolers do not provide adequate relief from excessive heat (CDCR report to the Legislature, January 2026). Statewide, only 181 of 791 active housing units, 23 percent, have mechanical cooling. CalMatters reported that in 2024 at least one of the state’s 31 prisons had outdoor weather above 90 degrees on 182 days, and that on 46 days at least one prison recorded indoor temperatures above 95 degrees, with concrete, uninsulated cells running as much as 21 degrees hotter than common areas. The state’s answer is a $37.6 million pilot at three prisons, Kern Valley among them, funded in the 2025 Budget Act. The Legislative Analyst’s Office told lawmakers the pilot would not be completed until fiscal year 2028-29, CalMatters reported that results are not expected until mid-2029, and CDCR’s statutory report on the results is due January 10, 2031. A statewide cooling mandate, AB 1424, was shelved in 2025 after CDCR estimated it would cost $10 billion to $20 billion, CalMatters reported.

In their words: People incarcerated there describe being “forced to coexist in a 6.5-foot-by-11-foot cage for 22 hours a day,” as Davon Blackstone wrote from Kern Valley for the Prison Journalism Project, sharing every private moment “in the presence of a complete stranger.”

Where it stands now: Still among the most heavily loaded Level IV prisons in the system, most housing still without mechanical cooling, and the pilot years from delivering data. Two things could move: Cal/OSHA has circulated a draft indoor heat rule for correctional facilities, still at the advisory stage as of May 2026, and AB 2499, the “Adrienne Act” named for Adrienne Boulware, passed the Assembly Public Safety Committee in April 2026 and was placed on the Appropriations suspense file in May 2026.

5. Richard J. Donovan Correctional Facility (San Diego County)

Quick facts: Opened 1987 in Otay Mesa, San Diego County’s only state prison. Levels I through III according to CDCR’s May 2026 master plan appendix, though CDCR’s facility page still lists Level IV, with a large mental health caseload. It held 3,789 people on August 19, 2026, 126.6 percent of design capacity.

Donovan is where a federal court concluded the problem was not incidents but culture. In the long-running Armstrong disability rights case, plaintiffs submitted 87 declarations from 66 incarcerated people in support of the 2020 Donovan motion, accounts the district court found uncontroverted and credible. They described an officer who pepper-sprayed a man, threw him from his wheelchair, and stomped on his back, and an officer who punched a deaf man in the face for asking him to communicate in writing (Ninth Circuit opinion, February 2023). The court ordered remedies no California prison had seen before, including mandatory body-worn cameras, reported at the time as a first for California prison officers, and in 2023 the Ninth Circuit affirmed the Donovan order in full, upholding findings of “a staff culture of targeting inmates with disabilities” rooted in broken investigation and discipline systems.

The state’s own watchdog documented the machinery behind that culture. A March 2022 Office of the Inspector General special review monitored 204 of the 257 staff misconduct inquiries CDCR completed on allegations from disabled incarcerated people at Donovan; it rated the department’s work “poor” in 186 of the 204 monitored cases, 91 percent, and reported that as of publication CDCR had not formally disciplined a single staff member on any of the project’s allegations. Donovan also averaged 35 overdoses a month, fatal and nonfatal, from October 2022 through March 2023, according to a 2024 KFF Health News report published by the San Francisco Standard.

In their words: The Ninth Circuit’s own language is the testimony here: the district court found “not only ongoing violations of class members’ rights at the prisons, but also a common source of those violations: the lack of sufficient accountability measures to address officers’ misconduct, which fostered a staff culture of targeting inmates with disabilities” (opinion, February 2023).

Where it stands now: Court-ordered camera and monitoring requirements remain in force under Armstrong, and plaintiffs’ counsel reports that its quarterly reviews continue to identify investigation and accountability failures. CDCR announced deaths being investigated as homicides at Donovan in August 2025 and again on August 1, 2026, when a 66-year-old man was found unresponsive in a cell he shared with another man.

6. High Desert State Prison (Susanville)

Quick facts: Opened in September 1995 outside Susanville, in remote Lassen County near the Nevada line (CDCR). CDCR’s 2026 master plan appendix lists it as a Level I through IV institution, with Level III and Level IV yards making up the main prison. It held 2,779 people on August 19, 2026, 133.5 percent of design capacity.

In December 2015, the state’s Office of the Inspector General published one of the most damning reviews ever written about a California prison. It found High Desert had an entrenched “culture of racism” and a pervasive code of silence: racial slurs and targeted searches of Black prisoners, disabled men treated with callous disregard, sex-offense registrants treated as what the review called a bull’s-eye target, and 807 staff complaints of which only about one percent were ever reviewed by anyone outside the prison. Six wardens or acting wardens had cycled through in eight years.

A decade later, no independent report has declared the culture cured, and the violence record has not gone quiet. CDCR announced deaths being investigated as homicides at High Desert in May 2024 and June 2025, and in March 2026 two men were convicted of first-degree murder for the May 2023 killing of a 43-year-old prisoner there. In January 2025, the Ninth Circuit reversed the dismissal of a suit by three men who alleged they were held handcuffed in dirty, urine-smelling holding cages for nearly nine hours; the ruling decided only that the three could sue together under the Prison Litigation Reform Act, not whether the allegations were true. Remoteness compounds everything: for most California families, visiting Susanville means a full day of driving each way, and the town itself is reeling from the 2023 closure of its other prison.

In their words: The contraband economy says as much as any inspection: “As of November 2015, a single pack of Newports was going for a hundred dollars in my prison,” Patrick Larmour wrote from High Desert for The Marshall Project.

Where it stands now: One of the 11 prisons whose Level IV housing CDCR placed on a modified program in March 2025 after the surge in violence, still among the most geographically difficult men’s prisons for families to reach, and still without a public follow-up evaluating whether the 2015 findings were corrected.

7. Pelican Bay State Prison (Crescent City)

Quick facts: Opened December 1, 1989 as the state’s supermax, 13 miles from the Oregon border. Today: Level IV general population, two Level II dorm facilities, a Level I minimum support facility outside the perimeter, and a restricted housing unit; Facility C, the old SHU, is closed. It held 2,156 people on August 19, 2026, 119.5 percent of design capacity.

Pelican Bay is on this list for what it did to the meaning of the word “prison.” Its Security Housing Unit held men in windowless isolation for years, in some cases decades, on gang labels rather than behavior. That practice triggered the largest prison hunger strikes in American history, roughly 30,000 people refusing food at the 2013 peak, and produced Ashker v. Governor of California, captioned Ashker v. Newsom on appeal, the 2015 settlement that ended indefinite gang-based SHU terms statewide. District court orders in 2019 and 2022 extended monitoring after finding continuing due process problems, including disclosure forms that attributed to confidential informants statements the informants had not made. In August 2023, the Ninth Circuit reversed the first extension, concluding that plaintiffs had not shown current and ongoing systemic violations of federal law, and vacated the second because the district court no longer had jurisdiction. The case closed in January 2024.

The legacy is real and measurable: the number of men in some form of isolation in California prisons fell from 9,870 in December 2012 to 3,030 in December 2025, according to the Marshall Project, and CDCR’s total restricted housing population on December 31, 2025, including women and non-binary people, was 3,307. But Pelican Bay itself remains a crowded Level IV prison in the state’s most remote corner, and CDCR announced deaths being investigated as homicides there in November 2025 and March 2026.

In their words: “I feel dead. It’s been 13 years since I have shaken someone’s hand and I fear I’ll forget the feel of human contact,” Ashker plaintiff Luis Esquivel said of his time in the SHU, in a 2014 Center for Constitutional Rights submission to the U.N. Committee Against Torture. Arthur Ramirez, released after 24 years in the Pelican Bay SHU, described walking out as “like a time machine.”

Where it stands now: Solitary reform bills capping isolation at 15 consecutive days have been vetoed or stalled, and court supervision under Ashker ended when the case closed in January 2024. Pelican Bay held 92 people in restricted housing on December 31, 2025, about four percent of its population.

8. California State Prison, Corcoran (Kings County)

Quick facts: Opened 1988 in the San Joaquin Valley. A multi-mission prison holding Levels I, III, and IV, plus one of the system’s last restricted housing complexes and the Protective Housing Unit for the state’s most notorious prisoners. It held 2,622 people on August 19, 2026, 84.2 percent of design capacity, one of eight prisons running below design capacity that day.

Corcoran carries the darkest staff-violence record in CDCR history. Between 1989 and 1994, Corcoran officers shot and killed seven unarmed incarcerated men and wounded dozens more while firing on fights in the Security Housing Unit yards (Prison Legal News). In February 1998, federal prosecutors indicted eight officers and supervisors for conspiring to violate prisoners’ civil rights, alleging they deliberately arranged fights in 1994; prosecutors said 84 fights occurred during the defendants’ shifts in one five-and-a-half-month period. On June 9, 2000, a federal jury acquitted all eight. In a separate state trial that ended in November 1999, four guards accused of arranging the rape of prisoner Eddie Dillard by another incarcerated man were also acquitted. No officer was convicted in either case.

In their words: The most damning voices were the officers themselves. “My superiors sometimes called down to the control booth and asked, ‘Are you going to have a yard fight?'” whistleblower officer Richard Caruso told 60 Minutes II. Lieutenant Steve Rigg added: “We’ve had inmates killed when it could have been avoided, and now I think it’s just a cover-up.”

Where it stands now: Today’s Corcoran is quieter, and running under capacity, but it still operates restricted housing in a Valley Fever endemic zone, CDCR investigated the attempted homicide of an officer there in 2024, and in December 2024 federal prosecutors charged a Corcoran correctional officer with conspiring with an incarcerated person to assault another; no outcome in that case had been reported as of August 2026. The history is the reason lists like this exist.

9. Pleasant Valley State Prison (Coalinga)

Quick facts: Opened 1994 in Coalinga, Fresno County, in the San Joaquin Valley’s coccidioidomycosis belt, 20 miles from Avenal State Prison, which shares its problem and appears in the near-miss section. It held 3,141 people on August 19, 2026, 136.1 percent of design capacity (CDCR weekly report).

Pleasant Valley is on this list because of the ground itself. Valley Fever, a fungal infection breathed in with soil dust, tore through the prison and its neighbor in the late 2000s. In 2011, the two prisons accounted for 535 of the 640 cocci cases reported within CDCR, about 84 percent, and over 2006 through 2010 Pleasant Valley’s infection rate ran 52 times that of the California county with the highest rate, with Avenal’s nearly 10 times. A study by the federal Receiver of 36 prisoner deaths attributed to cocci between 2006 and 2011 found that 97 percent occurred in the hyperendemic region and that 70 percent of those who died were Black; a 2015 study by California prison health officials, published in the CDC journal Emerging Infectious Diseases, also found Black race associated with disseminated disease. By 2015, Prison Legal News tallied around 4,000 diagnoses and at least 53 prisoner deaths since 2005. In June 2013, a federal judge found the state’s refusal to act further was not a reasonable response to a known and serious risk, the Eighth Amendment’s deliberate indifference test, and ordered high-risk prisoners transferred out of both facilities within 90 days.

Screening and exclusions since then cut prison infection rates dramatically. Today CCHCS offers incoming adults ages 18 through 64 a coccidioides skin test and uses test results, prior infection, medical risk factors, and specified demographic factors, including being Black or Filipino or having diabetes, to restrict placement at nine higher-risk institutions. The risk itself has not gone anywhere: California recorded nearly 12,500 Valley Fever cases in 2024, the highest year on record, concentrated exactly where this prison sits, and the state’s provisional 2025 counts ran below 2024 but above 2023.

In their words: “The whole bed was drenched and I was shaking,” Paul Richardson, who contracted Valley Fever at Avenal, 20 miles away, told reporters of the fevers that cost him 60 pounds. Patrick Wallace, infected there in 2011: “I was in that hospital for 30 days shackled while they gave me shots, pills, whatever they did.”

Where it stands now: In 2019, the Ninth Circuit held in four consolidated cases, Hines v. Youseff, that state officials were entitled to qualified immunity from damages claims based on the earlier exposure decisions, so the exclusion policy is the protection that exists, and the record 2024 total and elevated 2025 counts are a live stress test of it, at a prison running 36 percent over design capacity.

10. San Quentin Rehabilitation Center (Marin County)

Quick facts: Opened 1852, the state’s oldest prison. Renamed San Quentin Rehabilitation Center in 2023. Now Levels I through III; it held 2,248 people on August 19, 2026, 72.9 percent of design capacity. Its East Block death row unit was emptied on May 28, 2024, though as of CDCR’s October 2025 update nine people with condemned sentences remained at the prison in its psychiatric inpatient program or correctional treatment center.

San Quentin earns its place on this list for a single catastrophe. On May 30, 2020, CDCR bused 122 medically vulnerable men from an outbreak-ridden Chino prison into a then virus-free San Quentin without adequate testing, in what the Inspector General later called a deeply flawed transfer. COVID-19 infected roughly three quarters of the population; 28 incarcerated men and one sergeant died. In October 2020, a state Court of Appeal called it “the worst epidemiological disaster in California correctional history” and found officials had acted with deliberate indifference; the California Supreme Court vacated that opinion in December 2020 and sent the case back for an evidentiary hearing, after which a Marin County Superior Court judge, in a ruling issued in October 2021 and made final that November, found that CDCR had violated the Eighth Amendment through deliberate indifference during the outbreak but denied injunctive relief because vaccination had changed conditions inside. Cal/OSHA fined the prison $421,880 in February 2021, and on May 13, 2024, the U.S. Supreme Court declined to review a Ninth Circuit decision that let the lawsuit brought by the family of Sergeant Gilbert Polanco proceed past the motion-to-dismiss stage, a denial that decided nothing about immunity or liability.

And yet San Quentin sits last on this list deliberately, because it is the one prison here that has visibly changed course. The California Model, the state’s Scandinavian-inspired rehabilitation experiment, made San Quentin its flagship: the East Block death row unit has closed, and on February 20, 2026, the state held the ribbon cutting for the $239 million San Quentin Learning Center, a three-building education, media, and workforce campus, saying full operations would begin in spring 2026. Before construction, the Legislative Analyst’s Office said the original $360.6 million proposal’s scope was almost totally undetermined, its operating costs unknown, and its objectives unclear, and recommended the Legislature reject it. The improvement is not across the board: the OIG’s March 2026 medical inspection rated both the case review and compliance components of San Quentin’s health care inadequate for care delivered from April through September 2024.

In their words: From 2020: “We are dying in here,” Thanh Tran wrote from inside the outbreak, in a piece by incarcerated journalist Juan Moreno Haines for Solitary Watch. From 2024: “The California Model is just kindness, courtesy and normalcy,” Jessie Milo, serving life there, told the Los Angeles Times in a story republished by Corrections1. Both are true, and the distance between them is the story.

Where it stands now: The Learning Center is open, its 2024 medical care was graded inadequate in 2026, and whether the California Model spreads beyond San Quentin, and survives budget politics, is one of the biggest open questions in American corrections.

Seven More That Nearly Made the List

Avenal State Prison (Kings County). Pleasant Valley’s twin in the cocci belt, with an infection rate nearly 10 times the worst county’s over 2006 through 2010 and a place under the same 2013 federal exclusion order, Avenal was also the most crowded prison in California on August 19, 2026, holding 3,814 people at 157.3 percent of design capacity. It stays off the top ten only because its file is the same file as Pleasant Valley’s, with less of it.

California Institution for Men (Chino). The 1941-era prison whose botched May 2020 transfer seeded the San Quentin disaster even as it suffered its own COVID deaths. An August 2026 State Auditor report found that its aged infrastructure impedes safe housing, sanitation, and programming: a 2019 assessment recommended 26 projects costing $1.2 billion, of which CDCR has funded four and completed none, and CDCR’s current plan does not anticipate starting work until July 2029. Its August 2009 riot injured nearly 200 incarcerated people, and it was operating at about 140 percent of design capacity on August 19, 2026.

California State Prison, Los Angeles County (Lancaster). LA County’s only state prison logged deaths investigated as homicides in February and August 2026, both men found unresponsive in their cells, and its cells run hot enough to make it the third site in the state cooling pilot.

Mule Creek State Prison (Ione). State water regulators have documented repeated wastewater and stormwater compliance problems since 2018, including numerous collection-system defects, and a 2023 federal consent decree settled disputed Clean Water Act claims for $1.7 million in fees and costs, with CDCR denying the alleged violations. A May 2025 investigation by The Appeal reported complaints of discolored, foul-tasting tap water, more than 500 sewer and stormwater pipe defects, and state inspection data showing higher rates of thyroid and rheumatological disease than at other men’s prisons.

Wasco State Prison (Kern County). One of CDCR’s designated reception centers, where men entering the system spend their first weeks, and well above the system average at about 144 percent of design capacity on August 19, 2026.

California Health Care Facility (Stockton). Built in 2013 to be the system’s flagship medical prison; the federal Receiver froze admissions within a year, and in April 2026 the Inspector General rated its medical care “inadequate” for care delivered in late 2024, identifying 769 deficiencies and, in one case, a 19-minute delay in calling 911.

California Institution for Women (Chino). Site of a mid-2010s suicide cluster; a 2017 State Auditor report found that women, 4 percent of the prison population, accounted for 11 percent of prison suicides from 2014 through 2016. The prison was named alongside CCWF in the DOJ’s August 2026 findings.

The System Behind the Rankings

Rank any ten prisons and you risk implying the other twenty-one are fine. They are not, and the proof is that the deepest problems in California corrections are systemwide, run by federal courts rather than wardens.

Medical care has been in federal hands for two decades. In 2005 a federal judge found that a preventable death was occurring in California prisons roughly every six to seven days and stripped the state of control of prison medical care, creating a Receivership that still exists in 2026. As of March 2026, the Receiver had returned medical oversight at all but three prisons to the state: the three he has not are CSP-Sacramento, Salinas Valley, and the Substance Abuse Treatment Facility, where CDCR announced a death investigated as a homicide on August 19, 2026; that roster is its own comment on the top of this list.

Mental health care now has its own receiver. In the parallel Coleman case, a federal judge held California in contempt in June 2024 after nearly $112 million in fines accrued over chronic mental health understaffing; in March 2025, the Ninth Circuit affirmed the contempt finding but vacated the fines to the extent they exceeded the state’s monthly salary savings and sent the amount back for recalculation. The court then named Colette Peters, the former federal Bureau of Prisons director, receiver-nominee in April 2025, and her receivership over CDCR’s mental health system took effect September 1, 2025. California’s prisons are now the rare system with two federal receivers.

The Supreme Court capped the population, and the cap still binds. Brown v. Plata (2011) ordered California below 137.5 percent of design capacity, with Justice Kennedy writing that a prison depriving people of basic care “is incompatible with the concept of human dignity.” The state has complied for over a decade; by the measure CDCR reports to the federal three-judge court, the adult institution population stood at 119.2 percent of design capacity as of June 3, 2026, which still means about a fifth more people than the buildings were designed to hold.

Deaths are near record levels even as the population shrinks. The Receiver’s clinical review counted 409 deaths in CDCR custody in 2024, a death rate of 443 per 100,000 that is the second highest since the Receivership began, exceeded only by pandemic-year 2020. The drivers by year, per the same clinical mortality reviews:

Source: CCHCS Analysis of 2024 Mortality Reviews, December 2025. COVID-19 accounted for 247 of the incarcerated deaths from 2020 through 2024, plus 50 staff deaths.

Three stories live inside that table. Suicide: the 2023 rate of 31.2 per 100,000 was the highest since the state began tracking in 1990. Homicide: 2024 brought 36 homicides, a rate of 39 per 100,000 and the highest homicide rate since 2006, and the March 2025 modified program at 11 high-security prisons followed. Overdose: CDCR entered 2020 with the worst prison overdose death rate in the country, cut it by more than half with a mass medication-assisted treatment program, then watched fentanyl claw most of it back to a record rate in 2023 before a modest 2024 decline. At the end of April 2026, 19,665 patients were receiving medication-assisted treatment inside.

The money and the shrinking map. California spends about $127,800 per incarcerated person per year on a $13.6 billion corrections budget for 2025-26. With the population roughly half its 2006 peak, the state has closed three prisons since 2021, Deuel Vocational Institution (2021), the California Correctional Center in Susanville (2023), and Chuckawalla Valley State Prison (2024), plus a leased facility in California City (2024), and is closing the California Rehabilitation Center in Norco by fall 2026. The Legislative Analyst’s Office says the map should shrink further. Two pressures cut the other way: Proposition 36, which has added a modest but growing stream of new prison sentences since it took effect in December 2024, about 1,585 admissions through June 2026 in which one of the two new Proposition 36 offenses was the controlling offense, and the political economy of prison towns, where closures hit like plant shutdowns.

How California got here, in one paragraph. San Quentin opened in 1852 and Folsom in 1880. California then opened eight of its current institutions from 1941 through 1965 and 19 more in the boom from 1984 through 1997, Pelican Bay’s supermax among them; only two have opened since, Kern Valley in 2005 and the California Health Care Facility in 2013 (California State Auditor, August 2026). Tough-on-crime sentencing filled them to double capacity, the courts stepped in through Plata, Coleman, and Brown v. Plata, realignment in 2011 rerouted lower-level felonies to county jails, voters softened drug and theft penalties in 2014 and toughened them again in 2024, executions stopped under a 2019 moratorium, East Block death row closed in 2024, and the state now runs a shrinking, court-supervised system trying to reinvent itself around a Scandinavian-inspired experiment headquartered, of all places, at San Quentin.

What Families Should Know

The jail article was about speed, because bail is a pretrial tool and hours matter. Prison is different: a person in CDCR custody has already been convicted and sentenced, so ordinary pretrial bail has ended. Limited postconviction bail may still be available by court order in qualifying cases, including some appeals, and the FAQ below explains how that works. For most families, the immediate work becomes logistics, contact, and monitoring conditions over a period of years. Here is what actually helps.

Understand the reception period. People sentenced to CDCR first go through reception and classification. CDCR’s health care fact sheet currently lists three reception centers: North Kern and Wasco state prisons for men, and the Central California Women’s Facility in Chowchilla for women. CDCR says classification can take up to 90 days. After staff recommend an institution, approval of that endorsement can take another 45 to 60 days, followed by a wait for a bus seat and an available bed. During reception, CDCR lists one phone call within the first week and one per week thereafter, behind-glass visits by appointment only, no family visits, no tablets, and no personal packages. It ends. Tablets are issued after transfer to the assigned institution, and visiting and program access there depend on the institution, the person’s classification, and their assigned privilege group.

Use official custody tools. CDCR’s California Incarcerated Records and Information Search (CIRIS) is the state’s lookup tool for people in CDCR custody; results show name, CDCR number, age, current location, commitment counties, admission date, and parole hearing dates and outcomes. Treat the result as informational: CDCR posts its own accuracy disclaimer on the tool, and transfers happen without much warning, so confirm the location with the institution before you travel. Our California inmate locator guide explains how to use both county and CDCR tools.

Use the visiting system fully. CDCR offers regular in-person visits and, for eligible incarcerated people and immediate family (parents, children, siblings, legal spouses, registered domestic partners, and verified foster relationships), family visits of roughly 30 to 40 hours in private, apartment-like units on prison grounds. California is one of only four states, with Connecticut, New York, and Washington, that still allow them. People with condemned sentences, people with sex offense convictions, people still in reception, and people under disciplinary restrictions are excluded, and CDCR has paused family visits at individual prisons during modified programs, so check the institution’s status before you book. Book early; the slots go fast.

Use the right channel for the problem. For an urgent change in an incarcerated person’s health, a person the patient has authorized in writing can call the institution’s Patient Health Care Inquiry line; CCHCS says calls about nonurgent matters, or from people not authorized to receive health information, will not be returned, and nonurgent patient-specific concerns go through its written inquiry process. The CDCR Ombudsman can explain policies and procedures, suggest referrals, and help seek informal resolution, but it does not conduct formal investigations and does not take part in the formal grievance process. For alleged staff misconduct, the Office of the Inspector General accepts complaints and encourages people to use CDCR’s own grievance process first; it says it does not conduct investigations itself, works with prison administrators to resolve issues locally, and may monitor any investigation or discipline CDCR undertakes. The OIG received 7,860 complaints in 2025, a 19 percent increase over 2024, and processed 13,367 individual claims from them, a 28 percent increase. The documented history above exists because families and incarcerated people filed, called, and testified.

If the person is arrested while on parole, do not assume either automatic release or an automatic no-bail rule. A new criminal charge and an alleged parole violation are separate matters. A court may set bail or other release conditions on the new charge, while a parole hold placed by the parole agent, or a pending revocation petition, can independently keep the person in custody; CDCR’s regulations require the hold decision in every case regardless of whether another agency is also detaining the person (15 CCR section 3750). Since realignment, parole revocation cases are heard in superior court, and Penal Code sections 3056 and 3000.08 let that court order a parolee’s release from custody on any terms and conditions it deems appropriate after arrest, unless the person is serving a period of flash incarceration, a jail sanction of one to 10 consecutive days. That release is the judge’s call, not a right, and it is separate from any bond on the new charge. Posting a bond on the new charge does not lift a parole hold or guarantee physical release.

Probation, PRCS, mandatory supervision, and parole are not interchangeable. In a probation-revocation matter, Penal Code section 1203.25 generally makes own-recognizance release the starting point before the formal violation hearing unless the court makes the required findings for stricter conditions. That statute expressly defines any bail it permits as cash bail and says a bail bond or property bond is not bail for that section. A new criminal charge is handled separately. For parole, postrelease community supervision, and mandatory supervision, current law also permits case-specific release conditions in many circumstances (Penal Code sections 1203.2, 3000.08, 3056, and 3455). The actual custody orders control, not the supervision label alone.

If the person is still in county custody, find out why before paying for a bond. A new charge, a sentence, and a parole, probation, PRCS, or mandatory-supervision matter can create separate reasons for custody. Bail Hotline can help locate available public custody information, explain a known bail amount, and review whether it can arrange a court-set surety bond on a separate bond-eligible charge. Posting that bond addresses only the charge it covers and does not lift another hold, and under the bond terms the premium is earned once the bond is posted and accepted, even if a hold then prevents release, so ask the jail about holds before you pay. A bail agent cannot obtain a judge’s release order, decide a supervision revocation, provide criminal-defense or appellate guidance, or promise physical release while another custody basis remains. Our guide to what families should expect at a California bail hearing explains the court process, our bail FAQ covers bonds, cosigners, and holds, and licensed Bail Hotline agents answer (888) 958-1228 24 hours a day, every day, in English and Spanish. You can also find a Bail Hotline office near the jail or court you are dealing with.

Know the office nearest each prison. Prison towns generate county-jail cases of their own: a person re-arrested on parole, or a visitor arrested at the gate, is typically booked into the county jail near the prison, not the prison itself. These are the Bail Hotline offices closest to each ranked prison; all of them can be reached through the statewide line above.

Frequently Asked Questions

What is the most dangerous prison in California?

There is no official state ranking, and the answer depends on what you measure. This article’s ranking, which weighs court findings, Inspector General reports, deaths and violence, staff accountability, and first-hand testimony, puts California State Prison, Sacramento, known as New Folsom, first: the highest use-of-force rate of any state prison from 2009 through 2023 per a UC Berkeley and KQED analysis, four killings in 2024, and deaths investigated as homicides announced as recently as August 2026. Other measures point elsewhere: on August 19, 2026, Avenal State Prison was the most crowded at 157 percent of design capacity, Salinas Valley and Kern Valley sit just behind New Folsom on recent violence, and the OIG grades each prison’s medical care separately. Treat any “most dangerous” label as an editorial judgment, not an official designation.

Is San Quentin still dangerous?

Less than its reputation says, with one caveat. San Quentin now houses Levels I through III and was operating at about 73 percent of design capacity on August 19, 2026. Its East Block death row unit was emptied on May 28, 2024, and the state opened the Learning Center in February 2026 as the flagship of the rehabilitation-focused California Model. Its worst modern chapter was the 2020 COVID outbreak, which killed 28 incarcerated people and one employee, a management disaster rather than a violence problem. The caveat: a March 2026 OIG report covering care delivered in 2024 rated both reviewed components of its medical care inadequate, so its current record is mixed rather than risk-free. The state’s high-security prisons are far more dangerous day to day.

Does California still have death row?

The death penalty still exists on paper, but executions have been on hold under the governor’s moratorium since 2019, and San Quentin’s East Block death row unit was emptied on May 28, 2024. As of May 2026, CDCR counted 573 people with condemned sentences, most of them held in general population at more than 20 prisons under the Condemned Inmate Transfer Program.

Can you bail someone out of state prison?

Usually not. Bail is a pretrial tool: when judgment is pronounced, the pretrial bond is exonerated (Penal Code section 1195), and a state prison sentence is past that point. California does allow bail after conviction in limited cases. Penal Code section 1272 applies to offenses not punishable by death or life without parole; it makes bail a matter of right only in misdemeanor and fine-only situations, and a matter of discretion in all other cases, which includes felony appeals. Under section 1272.1, the court shall order release pending a felony appeal when the person shows, by clear and convincing evidence, that they are not likely to flee and do not pose a danger to any person or the community, and that the appeal is not for delay and raises a substantial legal question that, if decided in the person’s favor, is likely to result in reversal. Absent that showing, release rests in the court’s discretion. The request is made by motion, normally through the defense or appellate lawyer, with at least five court days’ notice to the prosecutor when made after sentencing, and the Court of Appeal can review a denial. If a court sets bail on appeal, Bail Hotline can tell you whether it can write that specific bond, subject to underwriting approval. If the person is still in county jail awaiting trial or sentencing, bail is very much alive; our bail FAQ covers how it works.

Does an arrest on parole mean there is no bail in California?

Not automatically, but a bond alone may not get the person out. The new charge is bailable or not on its own terms, and the court can set bail or release conditions on it. The parole matter is separate: a parole hold or revocation petition can keep the person in county jail even after a bond is posted. Under Penal Code sections 3056 and 3000.08, the court hearing the parole matter may order release on any terms and conditions it deems appropriate unless the person is serving flash incarceration, but that decision belongs to the judge. Ask the jail whether a parole hold is on file before paying a premium, because the premium is earned once the bond is accepted even if a hold then prevents release.

Can Bail Hotline remove a parole, probation, PRCS, or mandatory-supervision hold?

No. Bail Hotline cannot remove a supervision hold or change a court’s custody order. It can help you find public custody information, explain a bail amount that has already been set, and review whether it can write a court-set surety bond on a separate bond-eligible charge. Posting that bond does not guarantee physical release while another custody basis remains. Questions about challenging a hold, changing release conditions, or defending a revocation belong with a criminal defense lawyer.

How many state prisons are in California?

Thirty-one as of August 2026, dropping to 30 when the California Rehabilitation Center in Norco formally closes in fall 2026; CDCR’s August 19, 2026 population count already showed it empty. Three prisons and a leased facility have closed since 2021 as the prison population fell by nearly half from its 2006 peak.

Why is California closing prisons?

Because the population fell from about 173,000 in 2006 to under 90,000 in 2026 while costs rose to roughly $127,800 per person per year. By the Legislative Analyst’s Office’s count, each recent full closure is saving about $126 million to $138 million a year, CDCR projects roughly $150 million a year from closing Norco, and the LAO recommends closing more.

What is the California Model?

CDCR’s Scandinavian-inspired reform initiative, launched in 2023, built on four pillars: dynamic security, normalization, peer mentorship, and trauma-informed practice (CDCR). San Quentin is the flagship, including the $239 million Learning Center opened in February 2026. Supporters cite low recidivism in intensive programs; before construction, the Legislative Analyst’s Office questioned the proposal’s undefined scope, unknown operating costs, and unclear objectives.

What level is Pelican Bay State Prison?

Pelican Bay houses Level IV maximum security general population, two Level II dorm facilities, and a Level I minimum support facility outside the perimeter; its infamous Security Housing Unit building is closed, though a restricted housing unit remains. Statewide, the number of men in some form of isolation has fallen by roughly two thirds since 2012 (Marshall Project).

How long does someone stay in a reception center?

CDCR says reception and classification can take up to 90 days. Endorsement approval can take another 45 to 60 days, and the person then waits for a bus seat and an open bed at the assigned prison. During reception, phone, visiting, and package privileges are sharply limited, which is why families should not panic at the sudden silence after sentencing.

What is the difference between a state prison and a county jail?

Jails are county facilities run by sheriffs, holding people awaiting trial and those serving shorter sentences, including some felony sentences under realignment; prisons are state facilities run by CDCR for people convicted of felonies and sentenced to state terms. Ordinary bail is a pretrial tool, so it belongs to the jail phase; after sentencing, release on bail is limited to court-ordered cases. Full breakdown in our guide to the difference between jail and prison, and our companion ranking of the worst county jails in California.

Why We Publish This

Bail Hotline is a bail bonds company, and prisons are the one part of this system where bail plays almost no role. We publish this anyway, for the same reason we published the jails ranking: our clients’ families end up navigating all of it. The person bailed out today may be sentenced next year; the family calling about a county jail this week may be booking a reception-center visit next month. Nobody should have to learn how this system works from rumor, and the public record on these facilities, assembled in one place, is the closest thing to a straight answer that exists.

Sources and Further Reading

Key public records behind this article, all accessed August 2026:

• CCHCS, Analysis of 2024 Mortality Reviews (December 2025), the federal Receiver’s fact sheet, and the 62nd Tri-Annual Report (June 2026)
• CDCR weekly population report, August 19, 2026, the three-judge court update, the facility locator, and the 2026 master plan appendix on adult institutions
• Brown v. Plata, 563 U.S. 493 (2011)
• Ninth Circuit, Coleman v. Newsom (March 19, 2025) and KFF Health News on the mental health receivership (2025)
• U.S. Department of Justice findings on CCWF and CIW (August 13, 2026), the notice letter, and the findings report
• Office of the Inspector General: High Desert special review (2015), RJ Donovan special review (2022), staff misconduct monitoring report, January to June 2025, 2025 annual report, and the San Quentin, Salinas Valley, and CHCF medical inspection reports (2026)
• California State Auditor, report 2025-110 on the California Institution for Men (August 13, 2026)
• KQED, “On Our Watch”: the New Folsom investigation (2024) and U.S. Attorney’s Office: CSP-Sacramento officer sentencing (2022)
• KTVU on the Mendoza killing at Salinas Valley (February 2026) and CDCR’s homicide investigation notices linked in each entry
• Ninth Circuit, Armstrong v. Newsom (February 2, 2023) and Ashker v. Newsom (August 24, 2023)
• CDCR Air Cooling Pilot Program report to the Legislature (January 2026) and CalMatters on prison heat (September 2025)
• Department of Justice, 1998 Corcoran indictment announcement and Prison Legal News on the Corcoran trials (2000)
• Plata court order on Valley Fever exclusions (2013), the current CCHCS cocci care guide, and Hines v. Youseff (Ninth Circuit, 2019)
• California Supreme Court order in the San Quentin COVID case (December 2020) and the U.S. Supreme Court docket in Diaz v. Polanco (2024)
• LAO: CDCR population and spending trends (March 2026) and the 2026-27 budget analysis
• California Penal Code sections 1272 and 1272.1, 3056, 3000.08, and 1203.25, and the California Department of Insurance consumer guide to bail bonds

This article is provided for general information and is not legal advice. Conditions, populations, and case statuses change; figures above carry the dates of their sources. If you spot something that has changed, contact us and we will update it.